It has seemed to me worth while to show from the history of civilization just what war has done and has not done for the welfare of mankind. In the eighteenth century it was assumed that the primitive state of mankind was one of Arcadian peace, joy, and contentment. In the nineteenth century the assumption went over to the other extreme — that the primitive state was one of universal warfare. This, like the former notion, is a great exaggeration.
All Americans deserve better. No one cares about me. I met the man who said those words while working as a bartender in the Ozark Mountains of northwest Arkansas.
It was a one-street town in Benton County. It had a beauty parlor, a gas station, and a bar where locals came on Friday nights to shoot the shit over cheap drinks and country music.
I arrived in Arkansas by way of another little town in Louisiana, where all but a few local businesses had boarded up when Walmart moved in.
In Arkansas, I was struggling to survive. Across the highway from the bar was the trailer park where I lived. There was a big hole in the ceiling, and parts of the floor were starting to crumble under my feet.
It leaned to one side, and the faint odor of death hung around the bathroom. No doubt a squirrel or a rat had died in the walls. I told myself that once the flesh was gone, dissolved into the nothingness, the smell would go away, but it never did.
I loved that trailer. Sitting in a ratty brown La-Z-Boy, I would look around my tin can and imagine all the ways I could paint the walls in shades of possibility. I loved it for the simple reason that it was the first and only home I have ever owned. My trailer was parked in the middle of Walmart country, which is also home to J.
There is a whole lot of money in that pocket of Arkansas, but the grand wealth casts an oppressive shadow over a region entrenched in poverty.
Executive mansions line the lakefronts and golf courses.
On the other side of Country Club Road, trailer parks are tucked back in the woods. The haves and have-nots rarely share the same view, with one exception: Benton County has been among the most historically conservative counties in Arkansas.
There is an unavoidable question about places like Benton County, a question many liberals have tried to answer for years now: Why do poor whites vote along the same party lines as their wealthy neighbors across the road?
But what if those easy answers are two sides of the same political coin, a coin that keeps getting hurled back and forth between the two parties without ever shedding light on the real, more complicated truth?
They want to believe their voices matter. A January survey by the Rand Corporation reported that Republican primary voters are Why do they believe a Trump presidency would amplify their voices? From the time of slavery yes, slavery to the rise of Donald Trump, wealthy elites have relied on the allegiance of the white underclass to retain their affluence and political power.
U ntil the first African slaves were brought to Jamestown, Virginia, inwealthy plantation owners relied on indentured servants for cheap labor.
These white servants were mostly poor Europeans who traded their freedom for passage to the American colonies. They were given room and board, and, after four to seven years of grueling servitude, freedom.
About 40 percent lived long enough to see the end of their contract. With no resources and nowhere to go, many walked to regions where land could still be homesteaded, and settled in remote areas such as the Appalachian Mountains.
As the British labor market improved in the s, the idea of indentured servitude lost its appeal to many would-be immigrants. Increasing demand for indentured servants, many of whom were skilled laborers, soon bumped up against a dwindling supply, and the cost of white indentured servants rose sharply.
Plantation owners kept skilled white servants, of course, often making them plantation managers and supervisors of slaves. This introduced the first racial divide between skilled and unskilled workers.
Still, African slaves were cheaper, and the supply was plentiful. Seeing an opportunity to realize a higher return on investment, elite colonial landowners began to favor African slaves over white indentured servants, and shifted their business models accordingly.
They trained slaves to take over the skilled jobs of white servants. An investment in African slaves also ensured a cost-effective, long-term workforce. Female slaves were often raped by their white owners or forced to breed with male slaves, and children born into slavery remained slaves for life.
In contrast, white female servants who became pregnant were often punished with extended contracts, because a pregnancy meant months of lost work time.
From a business perspective, a white baby was a liability, but African children were permanent assets.My President Was Black.
A history of the first African American White House—and of what came next. Corruption is one of those consensual topics.
No one would argue it’s a good thing. International charities and multilateral organisations have worked hard to combat it, racking up impressive. Want to run drugs, smuggle migrants and get away with it? Join America’s biggest law enforcement agency: U.S.
Customs and Border Protection. So, with some fancy games and pliant appraisers, the bank recorded a $2 million gain on its deal making.
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Analysing the communal violence in Gujarat in , the burning of Graham Staines and his children and his children. My President Was Black. A history of the first African American White House—and of what came next.